Industrial Scientific , Test, Measure Inspect , Pressure Vacuum,Dial,Series,Indicati,$59,All,Steel,Dry/Fillable,NOSHOK,400,/befreckle966332.html,xn--80ahlcggngbbgmr9e2g.xn--p1ai,Stainless NOSHOK 400 Series All Max 45% OFF Stainless Indicati Steel Dial Fillable Dry $59 NOSHOK 400 Series All Stainless Steel Dry/Fillable Dial Indicati Industrial Scientific Test, Measure Inspect Pressure Vacuum NOSHOK 400 Series All Max 45% OFF Stainless Indicati Steel Dial Fillable Dry Industrial Scientific , Test, Measure Inspect , Pressure Vacuum,Dial,Series,Indicati,$59,All,Steel,Dry/Fillable,NOSHOK,400,/befreckle966332.html,xn--80ahlcggngbbgmr9e2g.xn--p1ai,Stainless $59 NOSHOK 400 Series All Stainless Steel Dry/Fillable Dial Indicati Industrial Scientific Test, Measure Inspect Pressure Vacuum
NOSHOK 400 Series All Stainless Steel Dry/Fillable Dial Indicati
NOSHOK 400 Series All Stainless Steel Dry/Fillable Dial Indicati
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Stainless steel 316 wetted parts for corrosion resistance
Circular dial is dry, fillable, or liquid-filled and enclosed in a stainless steel 304 case for corrosion resistance
Measures pressure with single (psi)/(Hg. vacuum) scale
Display accuracy is + or - 1%, 1.5%, or 2.5% of full scale value (ASME B40.100 Grade 1A, Grade A, or Grade B)
Lower mount or center back male connection with 1/8", 1/4", or 1/2" NPT rate
The NoShok 400 series pressure gauge has stainless steel 316 wetted parts, a dry, fillable, or liquid-filled circular dial enclosed in a stainless steel 304 case, a lower mount or center back male connection, and measures pressure with a single scale with an accuracy of + or - 1%, 1.5%, or 2.5%. The stainless steel 316 wetted parts and the stainless steel 304 case provide corrosion resistance. The gauge measures pressure with a single psi or Hg. vacuum scale. The dial comes in 1.5" (40 mm), 2.5" (63 mm) diameters, 4" (100 mm), and 6" (152 mm) diameters. The dial can be dry, dry/fillable, or liquid filled, depending upon the model. The specifications for each type of gauge vary according to the gauge size. The dial lens comes in three different forms of transparent materials for strength and clarity. The lens on the 1.5" and 4" diameter dials is instrument glass. The lens on the 2.5" diameter dial is transparent polyamide. The lens on the 6" dial is laminated safety glass. The dial is white aluminum with black markings and is UV resistant. The pointer type varies depending upon the dial size. The 1.5" dial has a black finished aluminum pointer. The 2.5" and 4" dials have a balanced aluminum pointer with a black finish. The 6" dial also has a balanced aluminum pointer with a black finish, and it is micrometer-adjustable.
Gauge accuracy varies according to gauge size. The 1.5" dial is accurate to + or - 2.5% over the entire range of the gauge, American Society of Mechanical Engineers (ASME) B40.100 Grade B accuracy class. The 2.5" gauge is accurate to + or - 1.5% over the entire range of the gauge, ASME B40.100 Grade A accuracy class. The 4" and 6" gauges are accurate to + or - 1% over the entire range of the gauge, ASME B40.100 Grade 1A accuracy class. All gauges come with either a lower mount or center back connection. The connection for the 1.5" gauge is a 1/8" NPT (National Pipe Thread) rate. The connection for the 2.5" gauge is a 1/4" NPT rate. The connection for the 4" and 6" gauges is a 1/2" NPT rate. The movement for all gauges is stainless steel with highly polished bearing surfaces. The 1.5" and 2.5" gauge movement also includes nylon. The movement for the 4" gauge and 6" gauge also includes an internal zero stop to protect the gauge system. The bourdon tube is a stainless steel 316 C-Type tube for all gauges with a pressure range up to 600 psi. For gauges with pressure ranges above 600 psi, the bourdon tube is a coiled safety tube. The 2.5" gauge has a safety relief disc on the top of the case. The 4" and 6" gauges have a safety relief disc on the back and the top of the case. The gauge operates in fluctuating pressure up to 60% of the dial range and in static pressure up to 90% of the dial range. The ambient temperature for the gauge is -40 to 140 degrees F (-40 to 60 degrees C). The media temperature range is -40 to 212 degrees F (-40 to 100 degrees C) for the 1.5" and 2.5" gauges. The media temperature range is -40 to 392 degrees F (-40 to 200 degrees C) for the 4" and 6" gauges. This pressure gauge is suitable for chemical plants, petro-chemical refineries, biomedical, pharmaceutical, food and beverage processing, offshore oil platforms, paper mills, salt mines, fertilizer plants, and shipboard applications.
Pressure gauges are instruments used to measure the pressure of a gas or liquid inside a vessel and, often, to help ensure the optimal amount of pressure for a given application. Pressure gauges can range from everyday instruments, such as those used to measure the air pressure in a car or bicycle tire, to highly accurate gauges used in mechanical and industrial processing. Most often, pressure gauges measure pressure relative to another reference. For instance, gauge pressure measures pressure relative to ambient air. An example of a pressure gauge measuring relative to ambient air is a tire pressure gauge or a blood pressure gauge. Differential pressure is the difference in pressure between two points, such as when measuring liquid flow along various points in a pipeline. An absolute pressure gauge measures pressure relative to a perfect vacuum, such as an atmospheric or barometric pressure gauge. All types of pressure gauges include either a male or a female mount to connect to the vessel where pressure is being measured, and display results on a dial with varying increments of measure across a given range.
NoShok manufactures temperature and pressure measurement instruments, including pressure gauges, transducers and indicators, level transmitters, temperature switches and transmitters, and bimetal thermometers. The company, founded in 1967, is headquartered in Berea, OH.
NOSHOK 400 Series All Stainless Steel Dry/Fillable Dial Indicati
A new study, published in Psychology of Violence, looks at rates of intimate partner violence during the pandemic in the United States. Like data from the UK, it suggests that domestic violence increased during lockdown — and that this was particularly linked to stress.
What is it that makes someone feel that theirs is a “good life”? Of all the ideas put forward over the past few millennia, two are most often extolled and researched today. The first is hedonistic wellbeing, often called simply “happiness”, which is characterised by plenty of positive emotions and general life satisfaction. The other is “eudaimonia” — feeling that your life has meaning and that you are realising your potential. Now in a new paper in Psychological Review, Shigehiro Oishi at the University of Virginia and Erin Westgate at the University of Florida suggest that we’ve been missing something: “psychological richness”.
When thinking about homelessness, we don’t often consider where to draw the line between housed and homeless. Couchsurfers — homeless individuals who put a roof over their head by staying with friends, relatives, or strangers found on couchsurfing sites — may not spring to mind when considering homelessness.
However, it’s far from a rare arrangement. Though exact numbers are lacking, studies from the last five years found that a shocking 22% of young people in the UK had slept rough at some point, and that 35% had couchsurfed in the absence of having a stable home.
The lack of stability, security, and sense of belonging that comes with having a home are all recognised factors in adverse psychological outcomes in those who are homeless. But, with couchsurfing being such a prevalent living situation, yet so different from sleeping rough, the psychological effects of this specific type of homelessness are well worth investigating. Now a new study from researchers led by Katie Hail-Jares at Griffith University, Australia has uncovered a strong relationship between couchsurfing and psychological distress.
Much has been written about the downsides of home-working. “Zoom fatigue”, in particular, is now a term, and an experience, that many of us are familiar with. But the tiring effect of video chat could represent only one of its dangers, according to new work in PNAS. It finds that we ascribe less “mind” to people we see in image form, vs in the flesh, and even less again to images of images of people. There could be serious implications, write Paris Will at the University of British Columbia and colleagues: “Given that mind perception underpins moral judgement, our findings suggest that depicted persons will receive greater or lesser ethical consideration, depending on the level of abstraction.”
Around one in five of those who have recovered from Covid-19 report ongoing symptoms, also known as long Covid. Experiences with this new condition are varied, and several symptoms are neuropsychological in nature.
One such symptom is brain fog. Though not a medical diagnosis in itself, this term is recognised by many health professionals, and refers to a fluctuating and varied set of symptoms which severely affect the sufferer’s ability to think clearly, or conduct their lives as they previously have.
Brain fog is often thought of as a benign, non-specific symptom, and in some circles is even dismissed as malingering. But in fact, it’s a symptom widely associated with chemotherapy, an issue for 40% of those with HIV, and source of frustration for many during pregnancy, amongst other medical conditions. Several neurological mechanisms have been proposed, but as of yet scientists don’t agree on the exact physical cause. As such, research looking into this after-effect of Covid is likely to garner a wide array of responses.
At this stage, understanding the experience of brain fog in long Covid is important — in order to tackle a new condition, researchers must first obtain a thorough description of the problem. This is the starting point from which further research can truly begin. To this end, researchers based at Oxford University recruited 50 participants from previous long Covid studies and online long Covid support groups to participate in remotely-held focus groups.
The media plays a huge part in shaping our understanding of the world, including how we respond to other people. Coverage of immigration is no different, and previous research has suggested that even subtle changes in language and framing can change the way people think about immigrants.
A new study, published in Scientific Reports, looks at the real life impact of negative media portrayals of immigrants. It finds that negative coverage can increase hostility towards immigrants and favouritism towards members of the non-immigrant in-group — which can have serious financial, emotional and social consequences for communities.
Retaining new information can be tricky, especially with topics far outside of what we’re familiar with. A good teacher can make a huge difference, but effective teaching techniques can add new dimensions to our ability to really take on what we’re being told.
A new study by academics from the University of California and University of Georgia identifies one such technique, and it turns out to be incredibly simple: hand gestures.
Research has found significant racial biases when judging the emotions of others. Black people are more likely to be misjudged as angry, for example, and recent research has suggested that even children are victims of this “anger bias”. Black children are also frequently subject to “adultification” — being perceived as older and more mature than White peers.
A new study explores the links between these two phenomena, finding that the older adults believe Black children to be, the more likely they are to (incorrectly) judge them to be angry too. Writing in Cognition and Emotion, Alison N. Cooke and Amy G. Halberstadt from North Carolina State University argue that such judgements could have serious consequences for Black children.
It’s no secret that marginalised groups face barriers in educational settings that the able-bodied, male, and racially privileged largely do not. Issues pertaining to access, sense of belonging, potential discrimination, and financial difficulties can add often insurmountable layers of complexity to applying for further education.
Efforts to address this in recent years have crystallised into a number of measures, including the wide adoption of diversity and inclusion grants. These provide financial support specifically for selected individuals from marginalised groups, in order to give them a more equal footing with applicants from privileged backgrounds.
However, recent research from Adriana L. Germano and colleagues at The University of Washington has illustrated some unintended flaws with this approach. In stark contrast with the ethos behind diversity and inclusion initiatives, these grants may be serving to make applications to prestigious scholarships even less diverse than before.
In 1995, a seminal book was published suggesting that children from lower socioeconomic backgrounds were exposed to 30 million fewer words than richer children by the age of 4 — the so-called “word gap”. The idea is now widespread and has informed early childhood policy in the United States (though the findings are more contentious than this ubiquity might suggest).
But why might these kids be exposed to fewer words? A new study from a team at the University of California, Berkeley, finds that worries about financial insecurity reduced the amount that caregivers spoke to their small children, suggesting that these concerns themselves could be at least partly responsible for the word gap.
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